This paper investigates why developing countries take on the significant administrative and financial burdens of hosting UN climate negotiations. I argue that hosting provides an international “spotlight” that translates into tangible material and political gains. Using a synthetic control model, I test whether COP host countries subsequently receive more international development aid and whether domestic support for the incumbent political party increases. The findings suggest that hosting can enhance international standing, providing developing countries with strong incentives to seek visible leadership roles in global climate governance.

This paper examines how gender representation affects the content of international climate agreements. Although women face disproportionate climate impacts, they remain underrepresented in climate negotiations. Using quantitative analysis of COP decision texts and delegation data, I analyze whether the gender of COP Presidents and the proportion of female delegates influence the salience of gender issues in negotiated outcomes. The study contributes to both climate justice and international relations scholarship by showing how inclusive representation can shift institutional priorities and strengthen the equity of climate governance.

This paper explores why some EU member states implement marine protected areas (MPAs) more extensively than others, despite shared commitments under EU and regional frameworks. Combining two-way fixed effects models using a panel dataset of MPA coverage and novel comparative case studies of Germany and Finland, I assess whether states more embedded in international environmental agreements adopt stronger domestic protections. The results shed light on how international commitments influence domestic biodiversity policy, highlighting both the promise and the limits of international cooperation in driving effective marine conservation.